University of Lincoln Teaching Academy

December 8, 2012
by Sarah Amsler
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Open education: Common(s), communism and the new common wealth

Joss Winn (CERD) and Mike Neary (CERD, Dean of Teaching and Learning)

ephemera 12(4)

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This article began as a paper for the 7th annual Open Education conference, held in Barcelona in 2010. The conference is international in scope and size and seen as the “annual reunion of the open education family.” Our paper was unusual in that it was one of very few attempts at the conference to offer a critique of the central tenet of open education: the commons. The response to our paper was mixed, but there seemed to be an appetite among some delegates for further critique from the perspective of critical political economy.

The paper begins with an outline of the open education and open educational resources movement, situating it within the ‘free culture’ movement, which has grown out of the free software movement of the 1990s. This connection with the world of software and other intangible goods, throws up questions around how the apparent freedom of the digital commons can be traversed to the physical world of public education and its institutions. We remain unconvinced that “revolutionary” transformations in how digital property is exchanged can effect revolutionary change in the way we work as educators and students and that the ‘creative commons’ of the free culture movement is open to much of the same critique that its liberal foundations can be subjected to.

The majority of the article offers such a critique, beginning with an examination of how the ‘commons’ has been recently articulated by Marxist scholars. Here too, we remain unsatisfied with the consumerist focus on the redistribution of resources (i.e. exchange), without resolving the issue of production (i.e. labour). In response, we argue that the sites and structures of production, our institutions, should be the focus of critique and transformation so that knowledge as a form of social wealth is not simply shared, but re-appropriated to form a new common sense that is capable of questioning what should constitute the nature of wealth in a post-capitalist society.

Click here to read the full article.

December 4, 2012
by Sarah Amsler
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Quality and Inequality in undergraduate education

Dr. Andrea Abbas
Centre for Educational Research and Development

My hope for this blog is that it will generate debate about what kinds of activities and practices could improve the public perception of the value and worth of University of Lincoln students. Whilst in some respects our students actions as graduates (and even as undergraduates through initiatives like the Lincoln Award) should and do speak for themselves and their reputations are often made by their own actions, it is generally very difficult to challenge the powerful ideology which suggests that students from more highly ranked (usually pre-1992) universities and those from universities like Lincoln (normally the post-1992) are akin to different species.

This myth that different universities produce different quality graduates (regardless of their degree classification) has tangible consequences for students. The importance of this assumption in maintaining the power of the elite is evident from the fact that the distinction endures. Such divisions impair confidence, restrict opportunities and shape the lives of graduates. Overt and covert practices sort applicants for graduate schemes according to their universities. The situation is not helped by the intolerable “classist” representations of students from some of our universities that are generated and perpetuated by the media who often denigrate students from post-1992 universities.

On top of my general outrage at such class bias being permitted in British society my interest in stimulating action is also based upon my research findings. A three year mixed-method empirical study (conducted with colleagues Monica McLean, Nottingham and Paul Ashwin, Lancaster) funded by the ESRC explored in considerable depth what students in four differently ranked sociology departments learned at university and what types of transformation they underwent. The aim was to see if what we found challenged or complied with league tables representations about differences between universities and students.

Our findings based upon an analysis of a wide range of data relating to students, curricula and pedagogies suggest that the similarities between the transformations students undergo and the curricula and pedagogies are vastly underplayed. These findings suggest that differences between students are fabricated and exaggerated in popular culture and reinforced by league table representations. Our research indicates that this is because the things which are measured do not relate to good quality education in any meaningful way. They are based upon input\output measures of for example, students’ entry grades (which are inextricably related to their social background) and Staff Student Ratios which are related to the wealth of the university which tell us little about the quality of practices, processes and relationships which are important to learning and teaching.

When a survey of over 700 students measured things which our qualitative analysis (and a host of previous academic research) indicated were important to good teaching the picture of the quality of university degrees becomes much more complex. For example, our two lower status universities (which we called Community and Diversity) scored significantly more highly on good teaching. You can find out more about this project and the findings here http://www.pedagogicequality.ac.uk/

Given the state of play I feel that it is incumbent upon us as teachers to make effort to challenge the stereotypes and misperceptions that permeate the media and our daily culture. Of course there are often material circumstances which prevent even the most confident students of progressing in the way they would like to once they leave university. Unpaid internships, the costs of masters’ courses and other forms of postgraduate study were impairing financially less well off case study students from our project by their third year.

Whilst political campaigning against discriminatory systems and unfair financial arrangements are crucial it is also important to challenge the myths of difference and hierarchy and to empower students to build the confidence to challenge such injustices themselves. An example might be to devise cross university activities for Lincoln students with like-minded colleagues in more elite universities. If students begin to realise they are as capable as students at universities with better reputations this may help. My colleague Monica McLean from Nottingham was involved in such an activity with students studying for an English degree. The theory is that if students themselves can begin to see behind the mythical representations of differences between them might begin to envisage new possibilities.

Our research indicates that there are sociology students who are confident that the differences between them and students at elite institutions are ideological and unjust. However, at the moment they are often left to work this out for themselves and presumably this is easier for students studying critical social sciences to make this leap. As my experience is only with social science students I am wondering if colleagues in other disciplines have identified similar issues or have wished to address them with their students.